Abstract
It has been proposed that subjects are base-generated under VP (VP internal subjects hypothesis). In this paper, we argue that the VP internal subject hypothesis that allows the subject to be base-generated under VP and move above VP at S-structure is not warranted in Japanese. Four pieces of evidence are discussed: floating numeral quantifiers; pseudo-cleft constructions; temporal phrases; and secondary depictive predicates. These collectively indicate that the subjects of unergative and transitive verbs are base-generated above VP while the subjects of unaccusatives and direct passives are base-generated under VP (i.e., the object position) in Japanese. The unaccusatives and the direct passives are different in that the subjects of the direct passives must be above VP at S-structure while the subject of the unaccusative can be at the object position.
Original language | English |
---|---|
Pages (from-to) | 303-319 |
Number of pages | 17 |
Journal | Lingua |
Volume | 85 |
Issue number | 4 |
DOIs | |
Publication status | Published - 1991 Dec |
Externally published | Yes |
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Language and Linguistics
- Linguistics and Language